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作 者:袁毓林[1]
机构地区:[1]北京大学中文系,100872
出 处:《中国语文》2005年第2期99-109,共11页Studies of the Chinese Language
基 金:国家社科基金的资助(项目编号:02BYY033)
摘 要:本文重新审视"都"的语义功能及其句法表现,希望用一种直观的理论来说明"都"的约束对象和关联方向。首先,讨论"都"约束的左向条件及其理论解释,从疑问代词的语义两重性(既是算子、又是变量)的角度,探究"都"不能约束疑问短语的原因(焦点算子不能约束疑问算子);然后,用焦点冲突假设(疑问代词表示的局部性信息焦点必须在全局性焦点算子"都"的统制域之中),来解释为什么引出"都"的约束对象的疑问短语只能出现在"都"的右侧、而不能出现在"都"的左侧。最后,假设"都 VP"及其关联 NP 的述谓关系是"话题-说明"关系,来解释关联 NP 的各种句法分布及其受到的各种限制。This paper reconsiders the semantic function and syntactic behaviour of dou in Mandarin,and tries to explain the binding object and association direction of dou in a simple theory.It firstly discusses the leftward binding condition of dou and reviews the theories which tried to explain the phenomenon.Then it analyses the Wh-words'dual semantic role as operator and variable,and invokes the principle that one operator does not bind another operator to explain why focus operator dou does not bind Wh-words.Secondly,it proposes that the local information focus represented by Wh-words must be c-commended by the global focus operator dou.Therefore this hypothesis suggests that the Wh-phrase as the binding object of dou can only be in the right side of dou,but can't be in the left side.Finally,it supposes that the predication relation between'dou+VP'and its associated NP is that of'topic-comment',and it can explain the distribution of the associated NP and the various restrictions on the constructions with dou.
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