检索规则说明:AND代表“并且”;OR代表“或者”;NOT代表“不包含”;(注意必须大写,运算符两边需空一格)
检 索 范 例 :范例一: (K=图书馆学 OR K=情报学) AND A=范并思 范例二:J=计算机应用与软件 AND (U=C++ OR U=Basic) NOT M=Visual
作 者:盛斌[1]
机构地区:[1]南开大学国际经济研究所
出 处:《世界经济与政治》2007年第3期62-71,共10页World Economics and Politics
摘 要:自2004年首次提出亚太自由贸易区(FTAAP)以来,其已经成为当前亚洲太平洋经济合作组织(APEC)内讨论的焦点议题之一。从经济上讲,中国加入FTAAP将获得巨大的静态与动态福利效应,因为其主要的贸易伙伴和出口面临的贸易壁垒都集中于亚太地区。然而,中国是否能够支持这一构想还要取决于一系列关键的政治与外交因素,包括:APEC方式、中美关系、协定的质量、敏感行业、竞争性的替代方案以及中国台北的成员身份问题等等。如果中国政府无法认同其中的某些条件和理念或者涉及中国利益的条款不具有足够的吸引力,FTAAP只将成为长期内经济上可行,但近期内不具政治现实性的方案。The Asia Pacific Free Trade Area (FTAAP) has become one of the most important issues on the agenda of the Asia Pacific Economic and Cooperation (APEC) organization since the proposal was first raised in 2004. The author argues that from an economic perspective, China would benefit from joining a FTAAP in both a static and dynamic manner since its main trade partners and its trade barriers in export markets are concentrated in the Asia Pacific region. Nevertheless, whether the Chinese government is likely to support the initiative largely depends on a number of crucial political and diplomatic elements, including the approach of APEC, Sino-U.S. relations, the quality of the treaty, the sensitive sectors, the competitive alternative proposals, and the membership of Chinese Taipei. Therefore, if the Chinese authorities cannot accept the ideological terms, or if some issues which are central to China’s interests are not sufficiently attractive to China, the FTAAP will likely only remain a proposal with an economic potential for the long term but without any political feasibility for the short term.
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在载入数据...
正在链接到云南高校图书馆文献保障联盟下载...
云南高校图书馆联盟文献共享服务平台 版权所有©
您的IP:216.73.216.222