论“都”的隐性否定和极项允准功能  

On the implicit negation and NPI licensing of dou(都)

作　　者：袁毓林[1] 

机构地区：[1]北京大学中文系/汉语语言学研究中心,100871

出　　处：《中国语文》2007年第4期306-320,共15页Studies of the Chinese Language

基　　金：教育部人文社会科学重点研究基地重大研究项目(编号:05JJD740176)的资助

摘　　要：本文首先简要地介绍关于范围副词"都"的关联成分和约束方向的争论,然后沿着蒋严(1998)关于"都"可以左向约束预设中的成分的思路,假设"小李都买呢子的衣服"一类句子省略了"买衣服"一类谓词性拷贝式话题;并通过话题链接这种语用测试和照应关系、允准否定极项等语义测试来证明上述假设,揭示表示总括义、可以重读的"都"只能左向约束其关联成分,在特定句式中"都"具有隐性否定和允准"从来"等否定极项的语义功能。还顺便讨论了"都"允准否定极项造成的句法后果("都"和"也"在"Wh+都/也+VP"格式中有不同的分布选择)。最后,通过对真实文本语料的统计分析,证明"从来"的确是否定极项。This paper introduces firstly the disputes on the scope adverb dou's associated constituents and binding direction.Following the leftward binding approach proposed by Jiang(1998),it hypothesizes that sentences like Xiaoli dou mai nizi de yifu(小李都买呢子的衣服)might have omitted the predicate-copying topics like mai yifu(买衣服).With a pragmatic test of topic chaining and semantic tests of licensing negative polarity items(NPI),it verifies this hypothesis and demonstrates that dou has two semantic functions in some constructions:(1) leftward binding its associated constituents;(2)creating an implicit negative context and licensing an NPI,e.g.,conglai(从来).It also discuses the syntactic consequences of dou's NPI licensing,i.e.,dou and another adverb ye(也)have different distributional selection in the construction'Wh+dou/ye+VP'.Finally,with a statistical analysis of real textual data,it proves that conglai is an NPI.

关 键 词：“都” 关联成分 约束方向 量化事件 拷贝式话题 隐性否定 否定极项 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]