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作 者:王家年[1]
出 处:《语言教学与研究》2008年第3期45-49,共5页Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies
基 金:桂林电子科技大学学科软环境建设经费的支持;项目编号:Z200681
摘 要:汉语的受事主语句是话题的形式特征[+T]触发动词的域内论元移位的结果。域内论元提升旨在造就一个话题。话题本身不是一个独立的句法成分,但它可以作为一种形式特征[+T]依附在NP之上进入形式句法结构,从而驱动NP按照信息编排的规律和语法特征的核查要求从宾语位置向主语位置做显性句法移位,并在此位置上由句子中心语(Ic)指派为主格,所以带有"话题"特征的NP在句法平面被赋予"主语"性质。移位并不改变句子的语义结构,NP移位后留下的语迹t通过语链把初始结构中的论元角色传递给NP,从而使NP在主语位置上获得"受事"语义的解读。Chinese Patient-subject Sentences result from the movement of the verbal internal argument triggered by the formal feature [ + T ] of the topic. The rising of the internal argument aims at creating a topic. The topic itself is not an independent syntactic component, but its formal feature [ + T] attaching to the NP can enter the formal syntactic structure and drive NP to move overtly from the object position to the subject position according to the rule of information organization and the feature-checking requirement. When a nominative Case is assigned to the NP by the head (Ic) in the sentence-initial position, the NP with topic feature has the property of syntactic subject. NP-movement will not change the semantic structure of the sentence, because the trace of NP can pass the initial θ-role to it through the NP-t chain. As a result, the NP is interpreted as "patient" in the subject position.
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