汉语无定主语的语义允准分析  

The semantic licensing conditions of indefinite subjects in Mandarin Chinese

作　　者：陆烁[1] 潘海华[1] 

机构地区：[1]香港城市大学中文,翻译和语言学系

出　　处：《中国语文》2009年第6期528-537,共10页Studies of the Chinese Language

基　　金：香港政府研究资助局RGCGRF项目(CityU1501/05H;CityU1514/06H)的资助

摘　　要：本文从语义允准的角度讨论汉语无定名词短语作主语的情况。无定名词短语可以在很多情况下充当主语,我们发现,这些用例都能在语义上受到恰当的允准。现代汉语普通话里大致有三种情况可以允准无定名词主语:第一,出现在简单判断句中,无定主语投射进入核心域,受到存在算子约束,从而获得"存在"解;第二,出现在通指句中,无定主语投射进入限定部分,受到通指算子约束,进而获得"通指"解。第三,出现在分配句中,投射进入限定部分,受到全称算子约束,获得全称性语义解,相当于"每"。This paper discusses the licensing conditions of indefinite subjects in Mandarin Chinese. It finds that most of the indefinite NPs in the subject (or topic) positions are licensed semantically by some quantificational operators. In general,three types of sentences allow indefinite subjects:thetic judgment sentences,generic sentences and distributive sentences. The indefinite subjects in the first type are mapped into the nuclear scope together with the whole thetic judgment sentences,and bound by an existential operator,and getting the existential reading. The indefinite subjects in the second type are mapped into the restrictor and bound by a generic operator,with the generic interpretation. The indefinite subjects in the third type are also mapped into the restrictor; and a universal operator,which is similar to the universal quantifier 'mei (every)' in Chinese,will give them a universal interpretation.

关 键 词：无定主语 简单判断句 存在算子 通指句 语义投射 三分结构 

分 类 号：H136[语言文字—汉语]