句域的对称性与动词补语并移假设  

The V-Bar Pied-piping Hypothesis: Evidence from Syntactic Scope Symmetry

作　　者：程杰[1] 

机构地区：[1]广东工业大学,广州510520

出　　处：《广东外语外贸大学学报》2009年第6期38-42,共5页Journal of Guangdong University of Foreign Studies

基　　金：教育部人文社科研究项目(编号08JC740010);广东省哲学社会科学"十一五"规划项目(编号08YK-01);广东工业大学科学研究项目(编号083037)

摘　　要："动词补语并移假设"能够统一地解释双宾结构和与格结构中句域的不对称现象,也能解释与格转移结构、外置结构和倒装结构中的句域对称现象。在这几类结构的推导过程中,Spec-VP位置的成分与VP-Comp位置的成分会构成两种结构关系:在基础生成的结构中,前者单向成分统制后者;但在动词补语并移发生后,后者单向成分统制前者。因此,两个结构位置上的成分之辖域可能互相涵盖,产生对称现象。这种解释的可行性进一步表明了"动词补语并移假设"的合理性。The V-Bar Pied-piping Hypothesis can give a unified account of the syntactic scope asymmetry in double object constructions and dative constructions and of the syntactic scope symmetry in constructions involving dative shift, extraposition and inversion. In the derivation of such constructions, the element in Spec-VP and that in VP-Comp may come into two structural relations： in the base-generated structure the former c-commands the latter while in the structure resulting from V-bar pied-piping the latter c-commands the former. Consequently, the two elements, in two different positions, may scope over each other and result in syntactic scope symmetry. This feasible account further validates the V-Bar Pied-piping Hypothesis.

关 键 词：动词补语并移 辖域 对称 

分 类 号：H043[语言文字—语言学]