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作 者:郑伟娜[1]
出 处:《汕头大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2012年第1期53-59,95,共7页Journal of Shantou University(Humanities and Social Sciences Edition)
摘 要:根据厦门、泉州、潮州、雷州四处闽南语入声字为材料,分析《广韵》入声韵尾在闽南语中的演变———从[-p][-t][-k]弱化成[-揲]甚至是[-0]。通过对四地有文白异读的入声字的梳理,可以发现,文读音基本没有弱化[-揲]韵尾;白读音中,[-揲]韵尾基本上只分布在咸、山、宕、梗、江五摄中,而很少出现在深、臻、通、曾四摄。同样,在没有文白异读的字里,[-揲]韵尾基本上也只分布于咸、山、宕、梗、江五摄的白读层字中。结合粤方言、晋语等的入声韵尾弱化现象,推测闽南语入声韵尾的分化很有可能是历史上长短元音对立导致的。South Min dialects in four places-Xiamen,Quanzhou,Chaozhou,and Leizhou are selected as materials to analyze the evolution of the codas of Rusheng characters-that is,the codas of ,, and weakening into or in Guangyun.An analysis of the characters with both literary readings and colloquial readings reveals that there is almost no in literary readings and that in colloquial readings, mostly distributes in 'Xian,Shan,Dang,Geng,Jiang',but hardly shows itself in 'Shen,Zhen,Tong,Zeng'.An analysis of the other characters also discloses that always shows itself at the literary reading level of 'Xian,Shan,Dang,Geng,Jiang'.At the end,it is postulated that the weakening coda may be caused by the historic dichotomy of long and short vowels,the same with Yue dialects and Jinyu dialects.
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