冷战后的两岸关系定位问题  

Political Orientation of Post-Cold-War Cross-Strait Relations

作　　者：管颖[1,2] Ling GUAN 

机构地区：[1]中国海洋大学法政学院,山东青岛266100 [2]新西兰国际太平洋学院,新西兰北帕默斯顿

出　　处：《中国海洋大学学报（社会科学版）》2013年第1期77-81,共5页Journal of Ocean University of China(Social Sciences)

摘　　要：20世纪80年代后期风云变幻的国际政治形势不但改变了台湾岛内的政治生态,也改变了海峡两岸的政治对立轴。国民党台湾当局的"本土化"、"民主化"政治转型,带来台湾主体意识的喷发和台独政党的乘势崛起。李登辉、陈水扁执政时期,两岸关于一个中国的"九二共识"被否定,"统独对立"取代"法统之争"成为双方政治斗争的焦点。2008年马英九执政后,回归"九二共识",两岸关系开始步入和平发展轨道。不过,台湾当局刻意突出"共识"分歧的做法,使两岸政治互信的积累受到干扰。两岸关系要持续稳定前行,需要在"九二共识"基础上更进一步,面向和平统一之未来,构筑"一中共表"的政治框架。In the 1980s, the changeable international political situation changed not only the Taiwan＇s political ecology, but also the political focus of the both sides of the Taiwan Straits. The political transfor- mation such as localization and democratization driven by the Kuomintang （KMT） authorities awakened Taiwan consciousness and made Taiwan independence party rise. During Lee Tenghui and Chen Shuibian ruling period, the ＂1992 consensus＂ concerning one China standpoint was denied; however, ＂unification or independence＂ replaced ＂legitimacy dispute＂ and became the focus of the political struggle. In 2008, when he was in power Ma Yingjeou returned to the ＂1992 consensus＂, and the relations across the Taiwan Straits began to be back on peaceful development track. However, the Taiwan authorities deliberately highlight difference in ＂consensus＂, which harms the accumulation of cross-straits political mutual trust. To pave the way for cracking difficult political issues in the future, the ＂1992 consensus＂ should be raised to a new level, and the political framework of ＂one China co-expression＂ and ＂joint anti-secession＂ should be constructed.

关 键 词：大陆 台湾地区 “九二共识” 和平发展 关系定位 

分 类 号：D618[政治法律—政治学]