汉语领属话题结构的允准条件  

The licensing conditions of Chinese possessive topicalization

作　　者：陆烁[1] 潘海华[2] 

机构地区：[1]中山大学 [2]香港城市大学

出　　处：《当代语言学》2014年第1期15-30,124,共16页Contemporary Linguistics

基　　金：中国博士后科学基金面上资助项目(2013M530379);教育部人文社会科学研究青年基金项目(13YJC740063);香港政府RGC资助的GRF项目(CityU 146509;CityU 148607)的研究成果之一

摘　　要：领属关系名词短语的领有成分有时候可以分裂出来充当句子的话题,有时候则不能成立,对已有的话题生成以及句法移位理论提出了诸多挑战。经过系统考察领属话题结构的相关事实,本文发现用句法移位的思路来分析领属话题化面临很多问题。句子成分的语义、语用关系在话题化允准中起到非常重要的作用。本文提出具有解释力和概括力的"领属话题允准条件":一方面,语义交集条件是允准的必要条件;一方面,领属话题得到允准还需要话题是述题中语义空位的"最可能解读项"。The possessor of a possessive construction in Mandarin can be moved away from its possessee and serve as the topic of a sentence,but not all possessive constructions can be used in this way.By examining this phenomenon with the existing theories on topicalization,it is found that syntactic treatments that derive the topic of possessor via movements are challenged systematically by many counterexamples.The semantic and pragmatic factors play an important role in the licensing of possessive topics.To account for the derivation of possessive topicalization,a possessive topic licensing condition is proposed which consists of the' semantic intersection condition' as the necessary condition and a ' most plausible item condition' as the sufficient condition.

关 键 词：领属结构 话题化 语义允准条件 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]