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作 者:徐升[1]
出 处:《暨南学报(哲学社会科学版)》2014年第8期94-101,163,共8页Jinan Journal(Philosophy and Social Sciences)
基 金:教育部人文社会科学研究青年基金项目<南京国民政府立法院研究>(批准号12YJC820120);江苏省高校"青蓝工程"资助项目
摘 要:抗战胜利前后,国民党宣称结束训政,实施宪政,重构宪政时期的立法院是其"行宪"的重要组成部分。立法院的重构与运行涉及国民党内部权力格局的重新调整,与各派系的话语权息息相关,各派系都将其视为必争之地。在立法院的重构与运行中,各派系围绕立法院地位与权力的配置、立法委员、立法院院长、副院长等职位的选举以至于日常的议事活动展开了错综复杂的斗争。这些争斗与倾轧不仅影响了立法院的重构与运行本身,也加剧了国民党组织机体的败坏,削弱了蒋介石的个人权威。蒋欲在立法院内成立党团以消弭争斗,加强控制,国民党中央也有一些体制内的自省,但都未能实现。Around the victory of the Anti-Japanese War,the KMT declared the end of political tutelage,the implementation of constitutional. Reconstruction of constitutional period Legislative Yuan is the important part of the 'constitution'. Legislative reconstruction and operation involves the KMT power structure readjustment,and it is closely related to various factions of the discourse,which is regarded as a hotly contested spot. The actions struggle intensely around the legislative status and power allocation,legislators,the president of the Legislative Yuan,vice president election and daily discussion activities. This struggle not only gave a serious impact on the legislative reconstruction and operation of itself,also aggravated the corrupt of KMT organization and weakened Jiang Jieshi's personal authority. The KMT center had some introspection within the system, but failed to achieve.
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