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作 者:余霞[1] Yu Xia(School of Humanities and Law, Huazhong Agricultural University, Wuhan 43007)
出 处:《华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2016年第5期129-137,共9页Journal of Central China Normal University:Humanities and Social Sciences
基 金:国家社会科学基金项目"环境群体性事件网络舆论传播与演变机制研究"(13BXW053);国家留学基金委公派访问学者项目(留金发[2014]2012号)
摘 要:全球化背景下,如何对"南京大屠杀"进行表征和记忆,关系到其意义能否真正得到世界认同。高度媒介化的社会,集体记忆依赖于大众传播媒介,可通过媒介如何表征记忆来观察和理解集体记忆。本文将"南京大屠杀"媒介记忆置于全球传播语境中,力图呈现它的世界面貌。主要运用媒介记忆理论、创伤记忆理论和框架理论,以内容分析法为主,研究1949—2014年间中、日、美、英四国媒体有关"南京大屠杀"及相关事件的报道,旨在描述不同国家媒介记忆的差异,分析其记忆框架,探讨形成差异的原因。研究发现:(1)各国媒介对"南京大屠杀"的记忆采用了不同的框架。中国以"创伤"为框架,围绕历史之痛和现实之伤展开记忆;日本以"质疑"为主导框架,回避自己加害方和中国受害方的身份,报道立场和情感偏向模糊、暧昧;美国和英国以"冲突"为主要框架,强调事件的新闻价值,即冲突本身以及冲突的解决。(2)不同媒介记忆框架对"南京大屠杀"意义的解读存在差异。中国将它定为国家创伤进行纪念在全球传播语境中可获得支持。(3)各国"南京大屠杀"媒介记忆框架存在相互影响的关系,主要表现为各种框架之间的竞争、对立和冲突。According to this research, three main conclusions can be summarized: (1) Memory frame is different from country to country. China centered on trauma, in a way that emphasizing the pain of history and the grief evolved from the past to nowadays. Japan put more attention to query, avoiding its role as injuring party and China as the injured party. Thus, the standpoint and emotion presented in its report tended to be vague and evasive. The frame of conflict was frequently used in the reports both from America and Britain, which more stressed news value-~the solution of the conflict as well as the conflict itself. (2) There are different understandings about the meaning of the Nanjing Massacre. It has been recognized as a fact among the four countries that the Nanjing Massacre is a serious atrocity upon the period of World War Ⅱ. China commemorates the Nanjing Massacre as national trauma, which will obtain supports in the context of global communication. (3) There are mutual influences among different media memory frames, which are mainly competition, opposition and conflict.
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