句子生成顺序与三种Wh-移位异常:熵的视角  

Universal Direction of Sentence-Generation and Three Odd Cases of Wh-movement:An Entropic Perspective

作　　者：李亚非[1,2] LI Yafei(School of Liberal Arts, Nanjing University Department of Linguistics, University of Wisconsin-Madison 1158 Van Hise Hall, University of Wisconsin, Madison, WI 53706, USA)

机构地区：[1]南京大学文学院 [2]美国威斯康星大学语言学系

出　　处：《当代语言学》2017年第2期159-180,共22页Contemporary Linguistics

摘　　要：本文讨论两类句法现象:(1)所有已知的语言都是先说结构位置高的成分,后说位置低的成分。(2)英语wh疑问句的造句规则有三个例外:所有者为疑问词时不能单独移位,必须把包含它的整个DP拖带到句首;主语为疑问词时不使用无语义助动词do;结构位置在VP/vP之外的所有副词类都没有疑问形态。第一个现象基本上被目前的句法理论所忽视。第二类现象所涉及的三种句法结构从表面来看似乎互不相关,但是都分享一个特征:符合疑问句造句规则的都是从实词环境向虚词环境移位;而一旦移位的起点和终点都是虚词环境就会发生上述各种例外。本文通过热力学第二定律(即能量自然耗散)和句法运算的经济原则,对以上各种现象提出一个统一的解释。Two types of syntactic phenomena have no explanations. The first is the fact, made explicit in Kayne （1994）, that structurally higher constituents are always produced earlier in actual sentence-generation. Kayne＇s own effort to explain this, i.e. his tentative answer to why the Linear Correspondence Axiom holds to begin with, amounts to shifting the question to several assumptions that are based on dubious analogies or whose plausibility is difficult to assess independently. The second phenomenon consists of three exceptions to the general roles of English wh-question formation： （i） a wh-possessor must pied-pipe the entire DP, （ii） a wh-subject does not trigger do-insertion, and （iii） all adverb classes from the subject-oriented upward have no legitimate wh-counterparts （ cf. how carefully vs. ＊ how evidently）. （i-iii） all involve the wh-word originating inside a functional context （ DP, TP, various FPs, respectively） and aiming at another functional context （ CP）, a generalization not yet made in the literature. There is also reason to believe that these ＂oddities＂ are not specific to English. Possessor-pied-piping, for instance, has been suggested to be parametric （ Gavruseva 2000）, with Tzotzil, Chamorro and Hungarian presumably allowing the wh-possessor to move alone. A closer look at the data reported in the original works, however, turns out extra facts in all these languages that question whether the claimed extracted possessor indeed originates inside the possessee DP： Tzotzil possessors, wh or not, trigger indirect object agreement on the verb （Aissen 1996）; Chamorro possessor movement requires the possessee phrase to have no determiner （ Chung 1991） and looks more like Massam＇s （2001） pseudo-noun-incorporation; the well-known Hungarian dative wh-possessor actually has a missing link that no non-wh pronominal possessor is permitted at the left edge of the possessee DP （ 1~. Kiss 2002）, making one wonder where the extracted wh-counterpart g

关 键 词：句子生成方向 wh疑问句 拖带移位 副词类 热力学第二定律 句法运算的经济原则 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语] H314.3