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作 者:侯兴泉[1]
机构地区:[1]暨南大学中文系/汉语方言中心
出 处:《方言》2017年第2期142-151,共10页Dialect
基 金:国家社会科学基金青年项目"汉语方言分区语音特征的层次和主次研究--以粤桂毗连地区汉语方言区片划分为例"(12CYY008);暨南大学创新基金(15JNQM024)资助
摘 要:古咸、山摄开口一等在粤语(含桂南平话)中主元音的今读类型可分为央元音、圆唇元音和展唇前元音三大类型。其中,前两型多仍保持古咸、山开口一二等见系主元音的对立,而后一型型则多属于一二等主元音合流的方言。其成因与早期后低元音的不稳定性及声母、韵尾、声调、音韵格局的制约都有一定的关系。文章发现:(1)粤语属于谈覃不分以及咸山开口一二等非见系主元音合流的方言;(2)多数粤语仍保留古咸山一二等见系主元音分立的局面,部分粤语有合流现象是较为晚近的音变。Abstract The synchronic pronunciations of Kaikou 开口 vowels in the 1st division of MC Xian 咸 and Shah 山 rhymes in Yue dialects including Pinghua dialects in southern Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region can be divided into three categories, i.e. central vowel, rounded vowel and unrounded vowel. Yue dialects with the first two categories maintain the independence of the 1st and 2nd divisions of MC Xian and Shah rhymes with Jian 见 group consonants while those with the third category are quite the opposite. Such synchronic categories are caused by several factors i.e. the constraint of initial or final consonants, tones, phonological patterns and vowel shift. Two discoveries are obtained in this paper: (1) MC Tan j~ and Tan ^-groups merge together in modern Yue dialects and Kaikou JT H vowels of the 1st and 2nd divisions in Xian and Shah rhymes merge too, except those with MC Jian initials. (2) Main vowels of the 1s' and 2"d divisions in Xian and Shah rhymes with MC Jian initials remain independent in most Yue dialects; and the merging of those main vowels in other Yue dialects can be attributed to sound change happened lately.
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