汉语后续句中省略结构的神经机制研究  

A Study on the Neural Mechanism of Chinese Elliptical Structure in Subsequent Sentence

作　　者：王彭[1] 张珊珊[1] 江火[1] 

机构地区：[1]江苏师范大学语言科学与艺术学院,江苏徐州221009

出　　处：《语言文字应用》2017年第2期46-56,共11页Applied Linguistics

基　　金：国家大学生创新创业训练计划项目(201410320012Z);国家社科基金后期资助项目(13FYY010);国家社科基金重大项目(10ZD&126);教育部人文社会科学研究规划基金项目(12YJA740106);国家973计划课题(2014CB340502);江苏高校"中国语言文学"优势学科建设工程资助项目的资助

摘　　要：汉语并列句后续句中的省略结构是学界关注的热点之一,尤其是对于空宾结构是否属于动词短语省略结构这一问题,学界一直存在很大的争论。本文运用神经电生理学技术,考察"也是"结构、"也+情态动词"结构和空宾结构这三种省略结构的加工机制,实验结果显示,"也+情态动词"结构与"也是"结构和空宾结构所诱发的N400成分和P600成分波幅存在差异,"也是"结构诱发的P600成分波幅大于空宾结构。本文认为,N400成分与省略位置的句法加工有关,P600可能与后期语义句法加工整合等操作有关。实验结果不支持空宾结构是动词短语省略结构的观点,并为"也是"结构属于IP省略结构的观点提供了证据。Chinese elliptical structure in subsequent sentences is one of the hot topics in linguistic studies. Whether empty object structure belongs to VP-ellipsis structure or not is especially a controversial issue. This paper uses ERPs to record the subjects＇ processing of three typical elliptical structures in mandarin Chinese, namely ＂yeshi＂ structure, ＂ye ＋ modal verb＂ structure and empty object structure. The results show that there are significant differences in N400 and P600 amplitudes among the three elliptical structures, and the P600 amplitude of ＂yeshi＂ structure is larger than that of empty object structure. It is argued that the N400 may be caused by the difficulty of partial syntactic processing in the elliptical structure and the P600 may be related to the difficulty of late semantic integration and other syntactic operations. The result doesn＇ t support the claim that empty object structure is a structure of VP-ellipsis, but provides evidences for the view that ＂yeshi＂ structure is subject to IP-ellipsis structures.

关 键 词：后续句 “也是”结构 “也+情态动词”结构 空宾结构 事件相关电位 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]