“一锅饭吃十个人”与受事主语句  被引量:11

Flip-flop construction and patient-subject sentence

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作  者:朱佳蕾[1] 

机构地区:[1]上海外国语大学语言研究院

出  处:《世界汉语教学》2017年第3期291-310,共20页Chinese Teaching in the World

基  金:国家社科基金重点项目"论元选择中的显著性和局部性研究"(14AYY016)资助

摘  要:汉语中有一些违反题元等级的论元配置结构,如"一锅饭吃十个人"这类施受倒置句(或称"施受可逆句")。本文以一种新的视角重新探讨这类特殊的形义不匹配现象。我们认为,施受倒置句实际上是一种受事主语句,其形成是通过词汇规则,让施事在词库中得到充盈(saturated),使题元栅中剩下的受事角色可以直接合并为主语。而"十个人"这一所谓的动后施事虽然看上去是动作的发出者,但并不是动词所指派的施事,其语义角色实际上是度量(measure)角色,与汉语典型的"准宾语"结构类似。因此,我们认为,施受倒置句事实上是一种带准宾语的受事主语句。This paper discusses the so-called agent-patient inversion construction (also known as flip-flop construction) exemplified by "giguofanpatient chi shigerenagent" (literally 'A bowl of rice feeds ten people-), where the patient is mapped onto the subject position and the agent occurs in the post-verbal position. First, we show that transformational analyses which postulate some covert light verb (e. g., ENOUGH/ACCOMMODATE/ EXIST) or modal verb triggering the head-to-head movement of the content verb (i.e. chi ‘eat') to derive the surface word order meet a number of empirical and conceptual prob- lems that are difficult to solve. Furthermore, by falsifying the claim that the post-verbal numeral phrase is assigned the agent theta-role based on the observation that the construc- tion fails to pass several agent-sensitive tests such as licensing of agent-oriented adverbials, we argue that the construction actually involves patient-as-subject construction, in- stead of agent-patient inversion, and that the agent object is actually a pseudo-object like that in the pseudo-object construction in Chinese.

关 键 词:施受倒置句 准宾语句 受事主语句 形义不匹配现象 

分 类 号:H146[语言文字—汉语]

 

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