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机构地区:[1]浙江大学汉语史研究中心,浙江杭州310028 [2]浙江大学中文系,浙江杭州310028 [3]浙江大学语言与认知研究中心,浙江杭州310028
出 处:《语言科学》2018年第1期69-82,共14页Linguistic Sciences
基 金:本文受教育部人文社科项目(14YJC40043)和浙江大学文科教师教学科研发展专项资助.
摘 要:琼海话的量名短语表定指时不受语序或信息结构限制,而受语音条件限制,具体可分为两类:1)"普通量词+名词"表定指,量词前面的句法成分X要变读高调;2)通用量词"枚"加名词表定指,"枚"变读高调,即"m■^(33)>m■^(53)"。文章认为,普通量名表定指是"X+许+量+名"中的远指成分"许"弱化之后声调粘附在X上的结果,属于"准指示词型"量名结构;而定指量词"枚^(53)"从句法分布和语义特征来看,应该定性为类定冠词。The definite Classifier-Noun phrases are not subject to the restrictions of word order and infor-mation structure but to a special tone sandhi constraint in Qionghai dialect of Southern Min. When the Cl-N is interpreted as definite, the morpheme immediately preceding the classifier has to change its tone T to a tone of T+5. We propose that this special tone sandhi of the pre-classifier element is attributed to the residue of the distal demonstrative 许,namely, definite Cl-N is derived from 许+ Cl + N by omitting the demonstrative. We further argue that with respect to its grammatical properties, definite classifiers in Qionghai Min are analyzed as quasi-demonstratives rather than quasi-definite articles. By contrast,when the classifier ^occursinaCl- N phrase,the tone of 枚 will change from 33 to 55,and it should be treated as quasi-definite article.
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