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作 者:贺江枫[1] HE Jiang-feng
机构地区:[1]南开大学历史学院
出 处:《史林》2019年第2期175-191,221,222,共19页Historical Review
基 金:2015年国家哲学社会科学基金青年项目"国共内战时期民众运动研究(1945-1949)"(15CZS040)的阶段性成果
摘 要:战后国民党在强化其党治体制的过程中,试图将权力末梢渗透至社会各领域,工福会作为国民党的党办工会,正是它发展各业工人细胞、培养工运干部的产物。因工人对国民党的意识形态难以认同,沪东区纺织染业工福会试图通过维护工人利益来获取劳工支持,但工福会的内部弊端却限制了它控制劳工意图的实现。首先,工福会与帮会的联系,最终导致工福会组织涣散,控制力较弱。其次,工福会经费虽由政府及劳资双方筹拨,但其组织庞大,基层经费无法保障,反需从工人群体中吸纳资源,阻碍了各项会务的进展。此外,工福会与劳工协进社、三青团的派系斗争,限制了国民党劳工组织的发展,为中共的城市革命提供最佳机会,更破坏其统治秩序的稳定性。The KMT tried to expand its own power into all areas of society. The Workers’ Welfare Committee was a product of the Party’s intention in developing workers and training labor movement cadres. In Shanghai East District’s Textile and Dyeing Industry,the Workers’ Welfare Committee was intended to safeguard workers’ vital interests in order to gain labor support for the KMT. Moreover,the Workers’ Welfare Committee devoted special efforts to eliminate Communist challenge and ferret out infiltration by the CCP.Such anti-communist actions had the actual effect of weakening its ability to mobilize workers. More seriously,shortcomings of the WWC undermined the KMT’s effectiveness in labor control. In delineating the history of the WWC of Shanghai East District’s Textile and Dyeing Industry,this case study pinpoints the insurmountable dilemma confronted by the KMT in its process of constructing a party-state system.
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