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作 者:韦名应[1] 李静 WEI Mingying;LI Jing
机构地区:[1]云南民族大学民族文化学院,昆明650500 [2]云南民族大学中印瑜伽学院,昆明650500
出 处:《民族语文》2019年第5期14-25,共12页Minority Languages of China
基 金:国家社科基金青年项目“壮语方言浊音走廊浊塞音研究”(16CYY059);国家社科基金重大项目“中缅泰老越印度六国跨境傣泰语言比较研究”(17AZD317)资助
摘 要:壮语文马土语的双数调b、d、g通常被认为是早期台语浊塞音*b、*d、*g的遗留。本文考察文马土语双数调塞音的音值及音类分合,发现目前的双数调浊塞音b、d、g是后起的,来自于早期的气声,是气声内爆化并进一步弱化的结果。内爆气声是关键环节。从文马土语来看,早期台语的双数调塞音应重建为气声*ph、*th、*kh,而不是此前普遍认为的*b、*d、*g。It is generally held that the voiced stops in syllables with even-numbered tones in the Wenma Zhuang vernacular are remnant reflexes of voiced stops*b,*d and*ɡof the ancient Tai language in its early stage.This paper,after an examination of the synchronic phonetic values and the diachronic changes of the voiced stops in syllables with even-numbered tones,discovers that these voiced stops in Wenma Zhuang vernacular are actually developments of later stages,which derived from the breathy voice at the early stage,and resulted from the voiced glottal fricative(breathiness)with pre-implosives and their further reduction.The breathy implosives served as the crucial in-between linkage of the previous sound changes.In view of the Wenma Zhuang vernacular,the stops in syllables with even-numbered tones in the early stage of the Tai language should be more plausibly reconstructed as breathy voiceless stops*p?,t?and k?,instead of the generally agreed previous reconstructions of*b,*d and*ɡ.
分 类 号:H218[语言文字—少数民族语言]
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