功能语类投射与施用语段推导和范畴特征  

Functional categorial projection approaches to applicative phase derivations and categorial features

作　　者：张连文[1] Zhang Lianwen

机构地区：[1]济南大学外国语学院,山东济南250022

出　　处：《西安外国语大学学报》2020年第1期11-16,共6页Journal of Xi’an International Studies University

摘　　要：本文在语段扩展投射及加标理论基础上,整合范畴特征理论和功能语类投射以及一致性运算统一分析施用语段推导、加标和接口解释。范畴特征产生施用语段内解释透视。施用语段定义局部性,逆局部性是阻断施用语段内移动的下限限制。高施用投射Happl P呈现循环移交属性的强语段效应,结合标示语论证施用语段内的直接宾语移动是跨语段边界的移位,而VP内嵌入低施用投射LAppl P也构成语段。在非对称双宾句式中,直接宾语不可跨越同一语段内施用宾语正是违反了逆局部性。研究表明,相对最简性根据最小搜索和探测算法确立;施用结构中施用宾语的移动由范畴一致性驱动。Based on phase extended projections and labeling theory,this paper integrates categorial feature theory,functional category projections and Agree,and it uniformly investigates applicative phase derivations,labeling and interface interpretations. Categorial features provide the interpretive perspective for applicative phases. Applicative phases define locality,and anti-locality constitutes the lower bounding restrction blocking movement within applicative phases. It is illustrated that high applicaitve projection( Happl P) is an independent strong phase with cyclic transfer,thus the direct object( DO) movement in VP phase is the one crossing phase edge,and the low applicative projections embedded in VP also constitute phases,unlabelled by categorial features or EPP feature. In the asymmetric double object contruction,the fact that DO can’t cross the applicative onject( AO) just violates the anti-locality constraint. Relative Minimality is established in terms of minimal search/minimal head probing and probing algorithm in Merge,and the movement of applied object in applicatives are driven by categorial Agree operation.

关 键 词：施用结构 语段加标 功能语类 范畴特征 接口解释 

分 类 号：H030[语言文字—语言学]