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作 者:项佐涛[1] 李家懿 XIANG Zuotao;LI Jiayi
机构地区:[1]北京大学国际关系学院
出 处:《欧洲研究》2020年第4期50-70,I0004,共22页Chinese Journal of European Studies
摘 要:目前,学术界对于民粹主义崛起的原因分析大多基于认同政治的视角。波兰、匈牙利和捷克民粹主义政党的案例表明,认同政治和利益政治共同建构了民粹主义政党的崛起。从认同政治的角度看,民粹主义政党淡化意识形态的左右之分,不断地强化身份“认同”,区别“自我”和“他者”,把自己装扮成一个民族主义和文化排外主义的政党。从利益政治的角度看,民粹主义政党尽管不再以阶级动员为主要手段,甚至尽力回避“阶级”“阶层”等词语,但“人民”与“精英”的区分使其成功吸引了社会转型中的受害者。选举结果表明,中下收入者是民粹主义政党的主要支持者,2008年国际金融危机加剧的无产阶级贫困化和中产阶级的无产阶级化趋势为它们提供了丰沃的社会土壤。正是通过认同政治和利益政治的双建构,波兰、匈牙利和捷克民粹主义政党强化了底层民众的民族、宗教和文化认同,把草根性的政治参与转换成自己的认同基础。Most of the current researches explore the emergence of populism from the perspective of identity politics.However,the cases of the populist parties in Poland,Hungary and the Czech Republic indicate that the politics of identity and that of interests overlap and work concurrently on the rise of populism.In terms of the identity politics,the populist parties in these countries have deliberately blurred the ideological boundaries between“the right”and“the left”,by employing the rhetoric of nationalism and a discourse distinction between“ourselves”and“others”,in order to forge themselves as nationalist parties and parties advocating cultural xenophobia.From the perspective of the politics of interests,the populist parties put an emphasis on the distinction between“the elites”and“the people”rather than on the class mobilization approach and the choice of words such as“caste”or“class”,who has successfully gained support from the so-called“victims”of the post-communist transition.The election results in Poland,Hungary and the Czech Republic have shown that the citizens in the lower-middle-income category constitute the principal supporters for the populist parties,given the worsening economic situations of such groups since the 2008 global financial crisis.It is through the dual construction of both identity and interests politics that the populist parties have consolidated the ethnic,religious and cultural identity and successfully transformed the grassroots participation into political support.
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