“更”字比较句真的排斥数量成分吗——兼论自然语言测量模式的分立  

Can Geng Comparatives License Numeral Phrases?An Answer from the Perspective of Measurement Patterns

作　　者：刘凡[1] Liu Fan

机构地区：[1]安徽师范大学文学院

出　　处：《世界汉语教学》2022年第1期78-89,共12页Chinese Teaching in the World

基　　金：国家社科基金青年项目“形式类型学视域下程度量的语义锚定及句法实现研究”(21CYY028)的资助。

摘　　要："更"字比较句并不排斥所有的数量成分,非度量衡单位的数量成分可以进入该结构,不被允准的是表征精确量的度量衡短语。自然语言的测量模式基于绝对与差异测量、精确与模糊测量的分际呈现四分对立的格局,"更"字比较句即为以往被忽视的模糊性差异测量结构。模糊性测量结构的程度论元位置被空代词pro所占据,所以结构排斥同为程度论元的度量衡短语。而"一些"类的模糊量表征不具有程度论元的地位,合并在附加语的位置上,因而与"更"字比较句相容。This paper argues that not all numeral phrases are excluded in Mandarin geng(更)comparatives,where only measure phrases are not licensed.Base on the contrast between absolute and differential measurements,as well as the contrast between accurate and vague measurements,geng comparatives can be identified as vague differential measurement,in which pro takes the position of degree arguments.Hence,there is no space for measure phrases to be further merged.Conversely,vague numeral elements,such as yixie(一些),do not function as degree arguments,thus can only be projected as adjuncts and be compatible with geng comparatives.

关 键 词：“更”字比较句 数量短语 模糊测量 差异测量 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]