“在L”处所状语的两个次类:事件处所与动作位置  

On two subcategories of zai-locative adverbials in Mandarin Chinese: The event-location and the action-position

作　　者：徐毅发 XU Yifa

机构地区：[1]香港科技大学人文学部

出　　处：《语言教学与研究》2022年第1期64-74,共11页Language Teaching and Linguistic Studies

摘　　要：本文基于多项状语共现顺序测试等证据,论证现代汉语的"在L"处所状语应划分为"事件处所"和"动作位置"两个次类,其中事件处所状语表示整个事件发生的场所,一般位于频次状语之后、工具状语之前;动作位置状语表达某个动作作用的具体区域,一般位于工具状语之后、紧靠核心动词。动作位置状语在修饰连动式时的辖域可限于单个动词,并且与工具状语和受事论元存在交替关系,而事件处所状语则少有这些特点。最后本文提出"在黑板上写字"句式的歧义正是由事件处所和动作位置这两个状语次类在线性形式上恰好同形所致。This article proposes that the zai-locative adverbial in Mandarin should be further divided into two subtypes, namely, the "event-location" and the "action-position", based on their different co-occurring orders with other types of adverbials. The event-location adverbial, which expresses the location of a whole event, normally precedes the instrumental adverbials and follows the adverbials of frequency. The action-position adverbial, which denotes the specific area involved in an action within an event, usually follows the instrumental adverbials and precedes the main verb. The scope of the action-position adverbial can be confined to a single verb of a serial verb construction. Also, there are alternations between action-position and other verbal arguments such as instrument or patient. Such properties are rarely seen in the event-location adverbial. Based on such a classification, this paper further argues that the ambiguity of zai heiban shang xiezi(‘write on the blackboard’) is caused by the apparent fusion of these two subtypes of locative adverbials in the linear sequence.

关 键 词：“在L”处所状语 事件处所 动作位置 状语共现顺序 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]