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作 者:王蔚[1] Wang Wei
机构地区:[1]中国政法大学法学院
出 处:《中外法学》2022年第2期541-559,共19页Peking University Law Journal
基 金:北京市社科基金重点项目“宪法学研究方法的理论脉络与适用实践”(项目编号:21DTR017)的阶段性成果;“中国政法大学第五批青年教师学术创新团队资助项目”(项目编号:18CXTD10)资助。
摘 要:宪法与政治的关系为国家治理现代化的重要命题。自戴高乐领导成立法兰西第五共和国以来,共和国总统位于法国国家机构的核心。宪法第5条将总统定位为监督者、仲裁者及捍卫者,总统所享有的各项权力呈现多层次构造:常态政治下作为国家机构争议的调解者消极运行,在国家机构争议中或紧急状态下成为权力运行的主体。然而政治事实却影响甚至颠覆宪法规范的字面含义,造成了总统职权行使的失序:从监督宪法实施转变为隐性的制宪权,从机构纠纷仲裁权转化为行政决策权。为此,法国政界与学界均尝试通过改革形塑权责对称的总统权。但如何实现这一目标存在改革路径上的分歧:在确认仲裁型总统身份与强化议会对总统的制衡之间徘徊。在此过程中,宪法规范内在的变迁与政治事实的规范力形成紧张关系。政治事实并非“必要的恶”,对规范与事实相互影响过程进行研究亦可正当化宪法学多元研究方法。The relationship between the Constitution and politics is an important issue for the modernization of French state governance. Since the establishment of the French Fifth Republic under Charles de Gaulle, the President of the Republic has been at the heart of the French state apparatus. Article 5 of the French Constitution positions the president as a supervisor, arbiter, and defender of the powers he enjoys in a multi-layered structure: a passive operator under normal politics, a mediator of disputes in state institutions, and a subject of power in a state of emergency. However, political facts affect and even subvert the literal meaning of constitutional norms, resulting in a disorderly exercise of power. The presidential power has been transformed from the supervision of the implementation of the French Constitution to the implicit constitutional power, and from the power to arbitrate institutional disputes to the power to make executive decisions. In this regard, both political and academic circles have attempted to reform the presidential power to create a symmetrical power and responsibility. However, there is a divergence of views on how to achieve this goal, especially on whether to confirm the identity of the arbiter president, how to clarify the powers and responsibilities of the president and the prime minister, and whether to strengthen parliamentary checks and balances on the president and establish a system of presidential responsibilities. In this process, there is a tension between the inherent change of constitutional norms and the normative force of political facts. Political facts are not a “necessary evil”, and the study of the process of interaction between norms and facts also sheds light on the methodology of our constitutional studies.
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