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作 者:肖政军 Xiao Zhengjun
出 处:《中共党史研究》2022年第3期75-91,共17页CPC History Studies
基 金:中国人民大学科学研究基金“中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金资助”项目(22XNH121)的阶段性成果。
摘 要:1935年末,在日方策动与地方实力派配合下,“华北自治运动”达到最高潮,国民党南京政府与地方实力派间的博弈亦白热化。在此种复杂情势下,在中共地方组织领导下,爆发了一二九运动。学运之初,基于不同政治考量,国民党南京政府与宋哲元对学运的态度存在分歧。然而,国民党当局既难以满足学生的政治诉求,其直辖区域的党政组织也无力领导学运。随着华北局势逐渐稳定,国民党南京政府与宋哲元对学运的态度最终达成一致。一二九运动在双方合力制裁下最终陷入低潮,但国民党政府的权威和形象也因此受损,这客观上为平津等地的中共地下党恢复组织、扩大影响提供了契机。At the end of 1935,based on the Japanese plan and coordination among local power groups,the“North China Autonomy Movement”reached a climax,and the game between the Nanjing Kuomintang government and the local power groups was activated.In this complicated situation,under the leadership of the CPC’s local or-ganizations,the December 9th Movement erupted.At the beginning of the movement,based on different political considerations,the Nanjing Kuomintang government and Song Zheyuan held different attitudes toward the move-ment.However,the Kuomintang authorities were unable to meet the political demands of the students,and the party and government organizations in the areas under their direct jurisdiction were unable to lead the student movement.As the situation in North China gradually stabilized,the Nanjing Kuomintang government and Song Zheyuan finally reached agreement on an attitude toward the movement.The December 9th Movement finally sub-sided due to suppression from both sides,damaging both the authority and the image of the Nanjing Kuomintang government and thus providing an objective opportunity for the underground CPC in Peiping,Tianjin,and other places to restore their organization and to expand their influence.
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