程度语义中的主观与客观——“(很)+性质形容词”作谓语的语义/语用分析  

Subjectivity and Objectivity in Degree Semantics:A semantic/pragmatic analysis of Mandarin“hen+gradable adjective”as predicate

作　　者：崔晋 

机构地区：[1]南京师范大学

出　　处：《外国语文研究（辑刊）》2022年第1期134-151,共18页

摘　　要：现代汉语中的性质形容词作谓语时需要与以“很”为代表的程度副词同时出现方可获得绝对解读,否则无法成句或者只能在特定语境内获得比较解读。本文注意到“不”与“没”的否定机制与绝对/比较解读模式之间的关联性,同时观察到绝对解读下的标准程度d可以根据语境获得窄域解读、宽域解读和映射解读,得出结论:性质形容词的绝对解读与比较解读在语用层面分属主观判断和客观描述,在语义层面则分别对应两种不同的程度导入机制,前者借助程度选择函数f_(c)(DEG)选出相应的标准程度d,而后者则使用存在量化词绑定程度变量d,以实现两个个体之间的比较。Gradable adjectives in Mandarin,when used as predicate,must co-occur with some overt degree morphology[most neutrally,the semantically bleached hen(很)‘very’]for positive interpretation;otherwise,the sentence is either not well-formed or is only acceptable in some certain context with a comparative meaning.This paper observes two related phenomena:one is the interaction between the positive/comparative readings of degree expressions and the differential negation strategies in Mandarin which is morphologically marked with bu(不)and mei(没),and the other is the fact that there is a similarity between the positive reading of gradable adjectives and the specific reading of indefinite noun phrases.These two phenomena cannot be explained satisfactorily,if the semantic of the positive interpretation and the comparative interpretation are both represented with a degree argument d which is existentially bound by a quantifier.Therefore,it is argued in this paper,that the positive reading is pragmatically a subjective judgement and semantically achieved via a degree choice function f_(c)(DEG),whereas the comparative reading is pragmatically an objective description and semantically involves a quantifier that existentially binds the degree argument.This proposal makes the right predictions about the conditions under which the semantically bleached hen(很)should be used,namely,when a degree choice function f_(c)(DEG)is truly needed in the semantic representation of a degree adjective.Otherwise,even though some degree adjective occurs in a positive-like overt form but does not really offer an interpretation with the degree choice function f_(c)(DEG),hen(很)is not obligatorily needed.

关 键 词：“很+性质形容词” 程度的绝对/比较解读 程度选择函数 “不/没”的否定机制 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]