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作 者:何俊志 He Junzhi(Sun Yat-sen University,Guangzhou 510275,China)
机构地区:[1]中山大学,广州510275
出 处:《国家现代化建设研究》2023年第4期97-108,共12页Journal of Modernization Studies
摘 要:20世纪90年代以来性别配额制在全球范围内的实践结果表明,它在整体上有助于提升立法机构中的女性代表比例。性别配额制在实践中逐渐形成了席位保留制、法定候选人配额制和政党自愿配额制三种不同模式,这三种模式的效应在不同制度背景和具体实践中,具有较大的差异,但整体呈现出依次递减的态势。本文基于对1992年《中华人民共和国妇女权益保障法》实施后中国各省级人大常委会出台的相关立法文本的分析,提炼出中国省级人大代表性别配额制的三种实践模式:刚性模式、半刚性模式和柔性模式。这三种模式的原理虽然类似于席位保留制、法定候选人配额制和政党自愿配额制模式,但是1993年以来中国省级人大代表性别配额制的实践数据表明,刚性模式的效应弱于半刚性模式,半刚性模式的效应又弱于柔性模式。这一发现有助于丰富现有理论研究、推进相关领域的制度优化。The global popularity of gender quotas since the 1990s and the results of its practice show that it has contributed to an overall increase in women’s representation in legislative bodies.In practice,gender quota systems have gradually developed into three different models,that is reserved seats,legal candidate quotas and voluntary party quotas.Although the effects of these three models vary considerably in different institutional contexts and specific types of practice,they show an overall trend of decreasing effects in successive order.Based on an analysis of the relevant legislative texts introduced by the Standing Committees of China’s Provincial People’s Congresses since the implementation of the Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Protection of Women’s Rights and Interests in 1992,this article distills three practical models of gender quota systems for representatives of China’s Provincial People’s Congresses(PPC),namely the rigid model,the semi-rigid model and the flexible model.Although the rationale of these three models is similar to that of the reserved seats,the legal candidate quotas and the voluntary party quota,the data on the practice of gender quotas in China’s PPC after 1993 show that the effect of the rigid model is weaker than that of the semi-rigid model,and the effect of the semi-rigid model is weaker than that of the flexible model.This finding can enrich existing theoretical research on gender quotas while advancing institutional optimization in related areas.
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