论汉语问句的疑问词原位、部分移位及焦点干涉  

On Wh-in-situ,Partial Movement and Focus Intervention in Mandarin Wh-questions

作　　者：袁野[1] YUAN Ye

机构地区：[1]北京航空航天大学外国语学院,北京100191

出　　处：《语言学论丛》2023年第3期68-79,共12页Essays on Linguistics

基　　金：北京市社科基金一般项目“汉语典型问句的焦点、重音和逻辑语义研究”(项目编号:20YYB015)的研究成果。

摘　　要：本文首先对比了针对汉语疑问宾语原位现象提出的隐性移位句法观及不移位无择约束(unselective binding)句法观,并肯定了后者的优势。本文重点关注的是被此类研究忽视的疑问宾语前置情况,比如“(是)什么东西,张三买了?”。张志恒(2012)认为汉语中这些前置的部分为认定焦点(IF),在句法结构上居于标句词短语(CP)所分裂出的焦点短语(TopP)投射位置,本文同意Pan(2014),认为汉语前置疑问词还可以用作左缘结构中的话题短语(TopP)位置。本文结合某些斯拉夫语中存在的疑问代词不完整移动现象提出,汉语中也有这样的可称为“wh部分移动”的现象,即上述汉语疑问词宾语虽经一定的前置但仍处于标句词(C)的成分统领域[话题短语的指示语(Spec-TopP)或焦点短语的指示语(Spec-FocP)],而不是像英语疑问词那样通常被认为处于标句词短语的指示语(Spec-CP)的位置。由于“部分移位”的疑问词仍然受到标句词(C)中带疑问特征的疑问算子(Qwh)的允准,本文将此种无择约束称为广义无择约束(generalized unselective binding,GUB)。最后,本文用所提出的广义无择约束理论分析了包括焦点干涉(focus intervention)在内的汉语多重问句的疑问词原位和前置现象,并提出了基于韵律考虑的焦点干涉的特指问句焦点冲突的新阐释。This paper first compares the implicit and LF movement approach to wh-in-situ phenomena in Mandarin with the non-movement unselective binding(UB)approach,showing a preference for the latter.Related studies seem unaware of the existence of wh-frontings in Mandarin,such as(SHI)what,John bought?Cheung(2014)regards the fronted part as identificational focus(IF),located in FocP of the split CP structure.We agree with Pan(2014),however,that the fronted part can also serve as a Topic in TopP of the left periphery.In reviewing the phenomena of partial wh-fronting to landing sites below C in Slavic languages,this paper proposes to regard such wh-frontings in Chinese as'partial wh-movement'and argues that the fronted wh-phrase in Mandarin(in the position of Spec-TopP or Spec-FocP)is still c-commanded by the operator Qwn in C and licensed by it,and proposes to call this generalized unselective binding(GUB).Finally,with our GUB conception we analyze the wh-in-situ and whex-situ phenomena in Mandarin multiple wh-questions,including the so-called focus intervention effects(FI),and propose a new approach to FI based on prosody,i.e.*focus conflict in wh-questions or*WHF.

关 键 词：疑问词原位 疑问词异位 无择约束 焦点干涉 多重特指问句 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]