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作 者:徐丹 XU Dan
机构地区:[1]美因茨大学,美因茨
出 处:《中国语文》2024年第1期3-19,126,共18页Studies of the Chinese Language
基 金:欧洲科学研究基金委员会(European Research Council,ERC)提供的Horizon 2020 ERC-2019-AdG 883700-TRAM项目的资助。
摘 要:本文通过二十世纪二十年代到五十年代的“花儿”辅助以六十年代的语料调查探讨甘青一带与/宾格标记“啊/哈”的发展轨迹。这一个时间段的材料反映出,“花儿”里的语序是动宾(VO)结构,有OV语序时可以不用任何标记,六十年代的语言调查也反映出相同的状况。最初的宾格标记很可能是由话题标记促发而成的。当时花儿里的话题标记由语气词或垫音词“哈、啦、吗/嘛、呀”等表达。在今天的河州花儿里,格标记成熟了,宾格标记统一记录为“哈”。“花儿”里的语言现象为今天甘青一带方言格标记的来源提供了一些有意义的证据。话题标记和宾格标记密切相关的现象在语言类型学上具有普遍意义。This paper attempts to trace back the source of accusative/dative marker[a]/[xa]in languages of the Gansu-Qinghai region.Data is collected from Hua'er(花儿)published from the 1920s to the 1950s and from linguistic investigations completed during the 1960s.The analysis indicates that early Hua'er presents the VO word order and no case marker is required when the rare OV order occurs.The same phenomenon is also attested in linguistic investigations of the 1960s.The occurrence of“case marker”seems to be triggered by the use of topic markers which come from model particles or interjections,such as the ha(哈),la(啦),ma(吗/嘛),ya(呀)in Hua'er.In today's Hua'er of Hezhou,case marking has become full-fledged and different accusative/dative markers have been unified into the common writing form ha(哈).Such diachronic change attested in Hua'er provides significant proof for the source of case marking in languages of the Gansu-Qinghai region.The correlation between topic marker and accusative/dative marker reveals a universal significance in typology.
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