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作 者:贾钦涵[1] JIA Qinhan
机构地区:[1]上海交通大学人文学院
出 处:《宁波大学学报(人文科学版)》2024年第2期69-82,共14页Journal of Ningbo University:Liberal Arts Edition
基 金:国家社会科学基金抗日战争研究专项工程项目“中国抗日战争史丛书”(16KZD011)。
摘 要:1945年董必武出席在旧金山举办的联合国制宪大会是抗日战争史和中国近代外交史上的重要事件,而中共代表取得参会权的过程却历经波折。在抗战后期的国共谈判中,新任美国驻华大使赫尔利为了善后“史迪威事件”,偏袒国民党政府、反对中共代表参加旧金山会议。随着美苏双方在雅尔塔会议上就远东问题达成秘密协定,以及毛泽东、周恩来坚决反对国民党一党专政,美国高层最终改变态度,敦促蒋介石同意在中国代表团内列入一名中共成员。国民党政府妥协退让的背后蕴藏着遏制中共的复杂谋略,延安方面的因应策略则体现出抗战后期中共对国家发展前景的深层思考。The attendance of Dong Biwu at the San Francisco Conference in 1945 was a significant event in the history of the War of Resistance Against Japan and modern Chinese diplomacy.However,the process for the Communist Party of China(CPC)to obtain the right of attendance was fraught with difficulties.During the later stages of the negotiations between the Kuomintang(KMT)and the CPC,the then U.S.Ambassador to China Patrick J.Hurley showed partiality towards the Kuomintang administration and was against the CPC delegates attending the San Francisco Conference in order to cope with the aftermath of“Stilwell Incident”.With the secret agreement reached between the US and the Soviet Union on Far Eastern issues at the Yalta Conference,and Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai’s strong opposition to the one-party rule of the KMT,senior US officials ultimately changed their stance and urged Chiang Kai-shek to include at least one CPC member in the Chinese delegation.The KMT government's compromise and concession concealed a complex strategy to contain CPC,while the countermeasures from the Yan’an reflected the CPC's profound considerations regarding the country’s development prospects in the later stages of the resistance against Japan.
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