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作 者:黄晓雪 HUANG Xiaoxue(School of Humanities,Guangzhou University,Guangzhou,Guangdong 510006,China;Center for Language Service&Research,Guangzhou University,Guangzhou,Guangdong 510006,China)
机构地区:[1]广州大学人文学院,广东广州510006 [2]广州大学语言服务研究中心,广东广州510006
出 处:《广州大学学报(社会科学版)》2024年第3期156-164,共9页Journal of Guangzhou University:Social Science Edition
基 金:国家社会科学基金重大项目(18ZDA297);国家语委“十四五”科研规划重点项目(ZDI145-36)。
摘 要:“给”和“跟”在川黔地区的西南官话中,功能上出现了很多类同现象。“跟”不但可以作伴随介词,还可以用作受益者标记、与格标记,甚至给予动词,其功能与官话的“给”相同。语义的多功能演变是导致“给”“跟”功能相混的主要原因。“给”经历了“给予>受益者>人物方向>伴随”“给予>受益者>接受者(动词前)”和“给予>接受者(动词后)”的语义演变;“跟”经历了“伴随>人物方向>受益者>接受者>给予”的语义演变。受益者标记“跟”在川黔地区的使用应是移民带来的,给“跟”演变为引出接受者的介词创造了条件。给予动词“跟”由“N+跟+O+VP”结构中引出接受者的“跟”演变而来。当N既是给予物又是交付者时,便激活了句子表达“给予”事件的信息,“跟+O+VP”就可由表接受受益的状中结构重新分析为连动结构,“跟”由此逐渐逆语法化为给予动词。In the Southwest Mandarin of Sichuan and Guizhou,gei(给)and gen(跟)have many similarities in the functions.Gen(跟)can be used not only as a comitative preposition,but also as a benefactive marker,a dative marker,and even as a giving-verb,which has the same function as gei(给)in Mandarin.The multifunctional evolution of semantics is the main reason for the overlap of the functions of gei(给)and gen(跟).Gei(给)has experienced the semantic evolution of″giving>benefactive>human direction>comitative″,″giving>benefactive>recipient(before verb)″and″giving>recipient(after verb)″,while gen(跟)has experienced the semantic evolution of″comitative>human direction>benefactive>recipient>giving″.The use of the benefactive marker gen(跟)in Sichuan and Guizhou may have brought by the immigrants in Chinese history,which creates conditions for gen(跟)to evolve into a preposition that elicits the recipient.The giving-verb gen(跟)evolved from gen(跟)that elicits the recipient in the structure of″N+gen(跟)+O+VP″.When N is both the given item and the deliverer,it activates the information in the sentence that expresses the giving-event whereas″gen(跟)+O+VP″can be reanalyzed as a serial-verb structure from the adverbial-head structure,and gen(跟)gradually becomes a giving-verb by antigrammaticalization.
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