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作 者:卢笑予 潘雪雨晴 Lu Xiaoyu;Pan Xueyuqing(School of Chinese,Beijing Normal University Zhuhai,Zhuhai Guangdong 519087;School of Chinese,Beijing Normal University,Beijing 100875)
机构地区:[1]北京师范大学珠海校区文学院,广东珠海519087 [2]北京师范大学文学院,北京100875
出 处:《语言科学》2024年第5期509-523,共15页Linguistic Sciences
基 金:广东社科学科共建项目(GD23XZY01);国家社科基金重大项目(20&ZD301、22&ZD297)资助。
摘 要:功能上,吴语台州片临海_(古城)方言“是”在名词谓语句中表达等同和分类语义,或作为焦点标记,也可用在呈现句中。但它不能用作话题标记、强调副词或祈使句回应形式。形式上,“是”存在舒声和促化入声两读,两者分布上呈现互补性:只有处于句末、与否定词“弗_不”搭配或者“正是”中“是”才读舒声,其他倾向于读入声。系词舒促两读情况在吴语台州片(特别是临海、仙居两地)及婺州、处州地区均相当常见,通过多点方言比较,“是”的促化一定程度上可用信息承载量高低来解释。促化音“是”在南北吴语分布上的差异,提醒我们注意要将句法层面“是”的促化与构词层面“是”的促化结合起来加以分析。This paper provides a comprehensive study on the copula shi[zi/zo?] in the Linhai(Gucheng)dialect,a variety of Taizhou Wu dialects.Grammatically,shi can fulfill its core function as the copula in nominal predicate constructions,encoding both equational and classificational mean-ings.Shi can be reinterpreted as focus marker and presentative marker,but it cannot serve as topic marker,emphatic adverb or the response particle for imperative clauses.Phonetically,shi is realized as two complementary distributed forms,which is a common phenomenon for copulas in Taizhou Wu(especially in Linhai and Xianju),Wuzhou Wu and Chuzhou Wu subgroups.One form of shi with non-entering tone can be used at the sentence-final position,collocate with negator fu[fo?](no)and appear in pro-sentence zhengshi(actually,indeed),while the other form with entering tone occurs in the rest cases.In combination with cross-dialectal evidence,this paper argues that to some extent the non-entering shi is capable of bearing heavier semantic burden.Given the geographical discrepancy on the use of glottalized shi,it is vital to investigate the glottalization of copula on both syntactic and morphological levels.
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