新构式主义视角下状态存现句的句法分析  

A Neo-Constructionist Approach to Stative Existential Sentences in Mandarin Chinese

作　　者：段张涛 熊仲儒 DUAN Zhangtao;XIONG Zhongru(Department of Linguistics,Beijing Language and Culture University,Beijing 100083,P.R.China)

机构地区：[1]北京语言大学语言学系,北京市100083

出　　处：《现代外语》2025年第1期13-24,共12页Modern Foreign Languages

基　　金：国家社科基金项目“汉英名词与动词互转的生成语法研究”(21BYY047);国家社科基金重大项目“基于汉语特征的多元语法理论探索多卷本”(20&ZD297);北京语言大学研究生创新基金(中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金)项目“新构式主义视角下的汉语存现句研究”(24YCX006)的阶段性成果。

摘　　要：文章聚焦汉语状态存现句的句法生成机制,认为状态存现句可由状态范畴Be与存现范畴Ex共同推导,“着”为扩展Be的时体标记。基于新构式主义的分析,状态存现句的非宾格性来自于状态范畴为动词只选择一个论元,该论元被指派客体的题元角色。处所短语被存现范畴Ex所选,基于T的EPP特征移位到主语位置(Spec,TP),但由于处所短语φ特征集并不完整,动词后的客体论元与T进行协约操作,获得主格。处所短语则由扩展它的轻介词指派固有格。This article explores the syntactic derivation of Chinese stative existential sentences,arguing that these constructions emerge from the interaction between the stative category Be and the existential category Ex(ist), with zhe(着) serving as the aspectual marker that extends Be. Based on a Neo-constructionist analysis, the unaccusative nature of these sentences is explained by Be selecting a single argument, which is assigned a theme role. The locative phrase, selected by Ex,moves to the subject position(Spec, TP), driven by the EPP feature of T. Owing to the locative phrase ' s incomplete φ-set, the post-verbal argument enters into an agreement relation with T and receives a nominative case, while the locative phrase is assigned an inherent case via a light preposition.

关 键 词：新构式主义 状态存现句 状态范畴 存现范畴 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]