语链结构与汉语量词辖域  

Chain-formation and quantifier scope in Chinese

作　　者：何宏华[1] 陈会军[2] 

机构地区：[1]清华大学外语系 [2]中国地质大学外语系

出　　处：《当代语言学》2003年第3期222-230,共9页Contemporary Linguistics

摘　　要：在量词辖域的释义中,对于以量词提升(QR)移位为基础的分析,原始语迹及处于中间阶段的语迹的性质和分类在语链(chain)的生成过程中是难以解决的问题。本文指出Aoun和李艳惠关于量化名词词组语迹的规定与量词提升规则(QR)的理论基础相矛盾;量词提升规则(QR)只能解释有限的语言现象。特征核查理论(feature-checking theory)假设语链的生成以特征核查为动因;核查的特征不同,由移位所生成的语链亦不同,避免了语迹的性质和分类所引起的矛盾。本文认为量化名词词组本身的特征和分类影响语链的构成及性质,普通量化名词词组具有与名词同样的语法功能,否定意义的有标记量化名词词组须首先核查掉其特殊特征;运算系统应包括功能语类Q_mP,功能语域(functional domain)应分为两个域带(zone):主语域带和宾语域带。In the interpretation of quantifier scope, there exists a chain-oriented syntactic analysis represented by Aoun and Andrey Li who take a Quantifier Raising approach first proposed in May (1977) which assumes that quantified NPs should move to an A-position at LF, as they are assumed to be non-referential expressions. In the formation of chains the original and the intermediate traces left by QR (Quantifier Raising) cause unsolvable problems. This article critically examines Aoun and Li's syntactic analysis of quantifier scope interpretations and shows that their central stipulation concerning NP-traces is contradictory with the theoretical foundation of QR, and also, QR itself is shown to be not available in syntactic interpretations of quantifier scope. Couched within the theory of feature-checking which incorporates the chain-formation algorithm , and based on the critical analysis on Kitahara (1996) , the article argues that quantified NPs should be divided into common quantified NPs and marked quantified NPs, and it proposes a new functional category QmP (projection of marked quantifiers) and a new concept zone, both of which are located in the functional domain. At LF, marked quantifiers should first move to the relevant zones and check off their marked features in QmP before they become the subject or object of the sentence.

关 键 词：汉语 量词 语链结构 特征核查理论 提升规则 语链生成算式 辖域原则 功能语类 域带 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]