也谈汉语不及物动词带“宾语”现象——兼论信息结构对汉语语序的影响  

On the phenomenon of intransitive verbs taking objects:The influence of information structure on word order in Mandarin

作　　者：孙天琦[1] 潘海华[1] 

机构地区：[1]香港城市大学

出　　处：《当代语言学》2012年第4期331-342,436,共12页Contemporary Linguistics

基　　金：香港政府UGC资助的GRF项目(CityU148607;CityU146509)的研究成果之一

摘　　要：本文讨论汉语中两类所谓的不及物动词带"宾语"现象的差异。本文认为"非作格计数句"等结构的存在并不能证明非宾格动词和非作格动词的论元结构相同。虽然两类不及物动词带"宾语"现象都涉及到信息结构对语序的影响,必须满足信息和谐条件,但是它们带"宾语"的情况存在重要差异:(1)真正的表层非宾格结构不允许非作格动词出现;(2)当其唯一论元是非数量形式且后置时,非作格动词的论元必须是对比焦点,而非宾格动词只需是信息焦点;(3)非宾格动词带宾语在一定条件下可以允许隐性话题,而非作格动词必须提供显性话题。This paper discusses the differences between two types of object-taking intransitive constructions in Mandarin.It points out that constructions such as quantity-counting sentences cannot be used as evidence for the claim that unaccusative and unergative verbs share the same argument structure.Although both can take a so-called object and are subject to the influence of information structure and must observe the information harmony constraint,the two types of verbs exhibit the following important differences:(a) only unaccusative verbs show surface unaccusativity;(b) when it is not a numeral NP,the so-called object in the unergative construction must employ a contrastive focus,though that in the unaccusative construction only needs to use an information focus,to satisfy the topic licensing condition;and (c) the unaccusative construction can license a covert topic while the unergative construction must have an overt one.

关 键 词：非宾格动词 非作格动词 信息结构 话题允准条件 信息和谐条件 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]