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作 者:张东[1]
机构地区:[1]东北师范大学历史文化学院
出 处:《日本研究》2015年第1期67-74,共8页Japan Studies
基 金:教育部人文社会科学重点研究基地重大项目"东亚世界的裂变--关于东亚国际政治对立局面形成之文化探源"(项目编号:14JJD770005)的阶段性研究成果;中国博士后科学基金资助项目"近代日本政党新论--‘多数决’的挫折(项目编号:2014M551149)的阶段性研究成果
摘 要:明治宪法标榜天皇主权与职能性分权,同时以议会代表"国家公义",这从根本上为"超然主义"提供了可能。"超然主义"实为近代日本政治之底流,它并未随藩阀政治的结束而消失。在藩阀政治受挫后,伊藤博文、桂太郎等通过政党实现的只能是相对"超然主义",而且,他们的期待最终被政党所"出卖"。经过大正民主运动,"超然主义"作为政治潜流持续存在,并与政党一样获得发展,当"宪政常道"下的政党政治被民众质疑和抛弃时,新官僚力倡普选,以民众广泛参政强化天皇权威,同时否定政党组阁的正当性,"超然主义"卷土重来,并显得比明治时代更为"成熟",成功"逆袭"政党政治,它看似基于民意,实则相反,政府超然于民众与议会之外,这也为法西斯独裁专制打下了基础。The Meiji Constitution advertised a separation of the Emperor's sovereignty and its functionality, and convened the parliament in demonstration of the so-called "public justice" , which essentially rendered possible the "aloof-ism" which was at the bottom layer of the contemporary Japanese politics and did not end with the expiration of the sectarian politics (Hanbatsu Seiji).Afier the "aloof-ism" met its frustration, politicians such as Hirofumi Ito and Taro Katsura only managed to achieve, via political parties, a moderate or tentative "aloof-ism" which was "sold out" by political parties eventually. After the Taisho Democracy movement, "aloof-ism" continued to exist as a political undercurrent and obtained some growth together with political parties. When the party politics under "constitutional political conventions" was questioned and abandoned by the public, neo-bureaucrats advocated general election to fortify the authority of Emperor through broad popular political participation and to deny cabinet by political parties of its legitimacy, it was then the "aloof-ism" made a comeback, showed its evolved "maturity" from the Meiji era, and successfully "counter-punched" the party politics. "Aloof-ism" seemed to be founded on the popular will but in fact was not so. The government "transcending" the public and the parliament actually laid a foundation for the fascist autocracy.
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