汉语显性非宾格动词句的最简分析  

A Minimalist Analysis of Chinese Surface Unaccusative Structures

作　　者：韩景泉[1] HAN Jingquan(Faculty of English Language and Culture, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, Guangzhou 510420, China)

机构地区：[1]广东外语外贸大学英语语言文化学院,广东广州510420

出　　处：《外国语》2016年第6期12-22,共11页Journal of Foreign Languages

基　　金：国家社会科学基金项目"英语非宾格动词现象研究"(10BYY102);广东省高等教育创新强校工程项目"非宾格假说与汉语非宾格动词结构"(GWTP-YJ-2014-01)

摘　　要：本文探讨汉语显性非宾格句的主要句法特征与句法结构生成。非宾格动词所选择的名词论元为动词组内补足语位置上原生的内论元。在基于语段的最简句法分析中,位于动词之后的名词内论元与定式时态中心语T-探针形成一致关系,其未取值的语义无解格特征取值为主格。如果被冻结在其基础位置,NP论元充当呈现焦点或无标记句末焦点,便不能再进行移位。非宾格动词之后的焦点化NP论元与非作格动词之后的NP论元存在本质差别。具体来说,前者是保持在其基础生成的VP补足语位置上原位不动,而后者则是将外论元从句法主语(spec-TP)位置右向显性移位进入焦点指示语(spec-Focus P)位置的结果。This paper deals with the main syntactic properties and syntactic derivation of the surface unaccusative structure in Mandarin Chinese. The selected NP argument of unaccusative verbs originates as the internal argument in VP-complement position. Under a phase-based minimalist syntactic account, the internal NP argument in a postverbal position agrees with the finite T-probe and its unvalued uninterpretable Case feature is valued as nominative. When frozen in its base position, the NP argument serves as presentational focus or unmarked end focus and could not un- dergo further movement. The focalized postverbal NP argument in structures with unaccusative verbs differs substan- tially from the postverbal NP argument in structures with unergative verbs. More specifically, the former remains in situ in its base VP-complement position, while the latter is the result of the overt rightward movement of the external argument from spec-TP to spec-FocusP.

关 键 词：显性非宾格性 论元 语段 主格 呈现焦点 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]