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作 者:刘道胜[1]
机构地区:[1]安徽师范大学历史与社会学院,教授安徽芜湖241002
出 处:《学术月刊》2017年第5期135-147,共13页Academic Monthly
基 金:教育部人文社科重点研究基地重大项目"近代徽州宗族与乡村社会变迁和转型研究"(16JJD770003)的阶段性成果
摘 要:由明至清,图甲作为自上而下普遍实施的基层组织,在不断适应基层乡治实际中呈现出地方性和稳定性的一面。图在基层乡治中的稳定性,使得清代保甲编制难以另起炉灶,只能藉助既有图甲体系展开。无论是图甲设置抑或保甲编制,都以图为单位展开。甲作为图甲制、保甲制之下共同的基层组织形式,在推行中兼具"总户-子户"和"甲-牌"的包容性机制,不断适应村落实际,成为基层行政的有效单位和地方乡治的功能社区。在徽州,图甲总户和子户的房派归属性,以及以房派统合共享一甲总户的现象颇为突出。总户之下,存在大量家族性"公祀公会",总户实际意义兼具田土产业归属、税粮征纳单位、乡族统合实体为一体。From Ming to Qing Dynasty, Tujia system ( "图甲" ), working as a kind of primary-level organization generally implemented from top to bottom, played a parochial and stable role in adapting for basic level village jurisdiction. Because of the stability of "tu", baojia system ( "保甲编制" ) only can carry out with the help of the existing tujia system. Whether it was tujia system or baojia system, tu had played a fundamental part in it. Serving as the mutual basic level organization under tujia system and baojia system, jia had inclusive mechanism in both general household-subsidiary household and jia-pai and adapted to reality constantly and flexibly, by which it had become effective unit of basic administration and functional community of local village jurisdiction. In Huizhou, the fangpai ( "房派", branch of family) belongingness of general household and subsidiary household in tujia system was striking. Furthermore, people based on fangpai tended to join and share the same general household. Moreover, there were a good deal of familial public sacrifices guilds under general household, which as a matter of fact had integrated land property affiliation, grain tax levy and paying unit and village- clan integration entity as one.
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