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作 者:陈前瑞[1] 邱德君 CHEN Qian-rui;Qiu de-jun
出 处:《古汉语研究》2020年第4期71-82,127,共13页Research in Ancient Chinese Language
基 金:北京市社科基金重点项目“汉语体貌、时制与情态范畴的互动研究”(16YYA002)。
摘 要:本文量化分析《史记》叙述语篇中完成体副词"已"的体貌和话语功能,以其内部语言差异作为历时线索,分析体貌与话语功能之间的演化关系。完成体"已"的不同用法具有不同的话语功能,结果性用法倾向于表非事件主线,先时性用法更多地表事件主线。"已"在副事件链中表事件主线的比例明显高于主事件链。《史记》的晚期语料中,"已"出现了完整体功能的萌芽,完成体"已"用于事件主线的增幅显著高于整体用例的增长。数据显示,事件主线的话语功能的确促动了副词"已"从完成体到完整体的演变,为功能主义的体貌观提供了历史语言学的证据。In a measurable way, this paper analyses the adverb Yi(已) in the narrative discourse of Shiji( 《史记》)and the relationship between its discourse and aspect function as well as the evolution of these two types of functions, taking the linguistic differences within Shiji as diachronic evidence. Different usages of the perfect Yi has different discourse functions. The resultative perfect tends to express the non-main event line, while the anterior perfect is more likely to show the main event line. What’s more, the data shows that Yi has a higher proportion of expressing the main event line in the side event chains than in the main event chain. In the cases of late data in Shiji, the perfective appears, and the increase of Yi used in the main event line is significantly higher than the overall use case. The data shows that the discourse function of the main event line indeed promotes the evolution of the adverb Yi from the perfect to the perfective, meanwhile provides historical linguistic evidence for the functionalist view on aspect.
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