青海甘沟话的情态表达与相关形式的来源  被引量:3

Expressions of Modality in Gangou Dialect of Qinghai Province and Their Origin

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作  者:杨永龙[1] 赵绿原 YANG Yonglong;ZHAO Lüyuan(the University of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences(CASS);the Institute of Linguistics,CASS;不详)

机构地区:[1]中国社会科学院语言研究所

出  处:《当代语言学》2021年第4期508-530,共23页Contemporary Linguistics

基  金:国家社科基金重点项目“历史语法视角下的青海甘沟话语法研究”(14AYY014)的资助。

摘  要:地处语言接触前沿地带的青海甘沟汉语方言,在语法方面呈现出一系列SOV语序特征,其情态表达方式也颇有特色。甘沟话主要有两类情态表达方式:一类是用动词的后附形式,包括能性补语和情态助词;另一类是用小句的后附形式,包括"要""到"等虚化程度不等的动词或动词性短语,以及被看作语气词的"闯"等。这些句后表达形式被编码为主句或母句的中心动词或动词短语,而命题则编码为主语从句、宾语从句和状语从句。情态表达形式大多数源自汉语本身,有清晰连贯的语法化路径,如"下""要""到";也有个别形式从汉语本身难以找到明确的来源,如表示认识情态之可能性的"闯",可能与阿尔泰语言或藏语有关。无论句后表达形式是否源自汉语,其句法格局总体上与阿尔泰语言和藏语更为一致,具有比较典型的SOV语言特点。Gangou dialect in Qinghai province is a typical result of language contact, whose grammar system presents a series of characteristics of SOV languages. The expression of modality in Gangou dialect also constitutes an interesting topic. There are two major ways to express modality in Gangou dialect. One way is to use post-verbal elements, including potential complements like ha(下), de(得), cheng(成), whose meaning may change from dynamic meaning to deontic meaning within verb-complement structures;or to use the particular modal particle ha after verb-complement structures to form the construction "VC+ha" which can express ability and root possibility. The other way is to use post-clausal elements, including verbs like cheng, yao(要), dao(到), verbal phrases like ganlai(干来), dingha(定下), and chuang(闯), which may undergo further grammaticalization to function as a sentence-final particle. These modal verbs and verbal phrases vary in different degrees of grammaticalization. These modal forms act as the core verb or verbal phrase of the main clause;and the propositional meanings are coded as subject complement clauses with cheng, object complement clauses with ganlai, dingha, yao or dao, and adverbial clauses with cheng or chuang. Most of the forms expressing modality in Gangou dialect have been inherited from earlier Chinese, which have shown explicit and consecutive grammaticalization paths, such as ha, yao, dao. However, it is difficult to identify the origin of certain forms, such as epistemic possibility marker chuang. Chuang and its cognates, widely found in Hehuang dialects of Gansu and Qinghai provinces, seem to be a constituent borrowed from the Altaic languages or Tibetan. We consider that chuang in Gangou dialect might have been borrowed from the Altaic languages or Tibetan, but its cognates in these minority languages might come from the Chinese verb cheng in an even earlier stratum of change. Whether these modal forms have been inherited from earlier Chinese or not, the whole system of synt

关 键 词:情态表达 甘沟话 西北汉语 语言接触 SOV特征 

分 类 号:H172.2[语言文字—汉语]

 

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