现代汉语疑问词的句法层级再探  

On the Syntactic Hierarchy of Wh-words in Mandarin Chinese

作　　者：潘俊楠 徐泽韬 PAN Victor Junnan;XU Steven Zetao

机构地区：[1]香港中文大学语言学及现代语言系,中国香港999077

出　　处：《语言学论丛》2022年第2期100-123,共24页Essays on Linguistics

摘　　要：本文讨论了现代汉语疑问词和量化词“都”共现时产生的一系列句法语义现象。对于疑问状语“怎么”和“为什么”来说,当其位于“都”后面时不能有表起因、原因的高解读是因为疑问状语的高解读生成在句子的左缘结构内,而“都”基础生成于TP下,且“都”无法通过话题化提升到比高解读更高的句法位置。当疑问状语出现在“都”之前时不能有表方法、目的的低解读则是由于低解读须生成于VP层内,而“都”的句法位置必须高于动词VP层。本文也会讨论当疑问状语与情态词如“会”和“敢”、能愿动词如“愿意”、频率副词如“经常”、时间副词如“今天”、地点状语如“在学校”共现时高低解读的分布情况。与疑问状语不同,疑问代词“谁”和“什么”位于“都”后面时不能用于表示反问,是因为“都”的预期与反问的语用目的相冲突。同时,我们对于疑问状语的这一分析也适用于内外反身状语“自己”。此外,本文也从句法-语义接口的角度出发探讨了疑问状语的高低解读与某些句末助词共现的情况。This paper examines higher readings,such as"denial","causal"and"reason",and lower readings,such as"instrumental","manner"and"purpose",of wh-adverbials zenme‘how'and weishenme‘why'.In particular,we will discuss the(un)availability of these readings when the relevant wh-words cooccur with the universal quantifier dou‘all'.The higher readings are unavailable when the relevant wh-adverbials follow dou,which is because as an adverb,dou is not able to be topicalized into a position higher than the functional projections hosting the higher readings.By contrast,the lower readings are not available when the relevant wh-adverbials precede dou,which is because dou is based-generated in a position higher than the projections hosting the lower readings.This analysis will be extended to explain the(un)availability of these readings when the relevant wh-words cooccur with modals such as hui‘will',frequency adverbs,temporal adverbials,locational adverbials and certain sentence-final particles.The interaction between wh-nominals with dou will also be examined.

关 键 词：疑问词 量化词 话题化 句末助词 左缘结构 

分 类 号：H146.3[语言文字—汉语]