现代汉语状态、程度补语结构的肯定极性倾向及其成因  

State complements and degree complements as quasi-PPIs and their motivations

作　　者：宋文辉[1] SONG Wenhui

机构地区：[1]中国人民大学文学院,北京

出　　处：《中国语文》2024年第6期659-675,766,共18页Studies of the Chinese Language

基　　金：中国人民大学中央高校基本科研业务费专项资金重大项目“现代汉语语法关系语法化程度及相关问题研究”(20XNL018)的研究成果。

摘　　要：现代汉语状态、程度补语结构难以清晰划界,二者肯定极性倾向明显。结构整体层面,二者进入否定性语境受限制。补语层面,程度补语不能被否定。状态补语中,表现类是典型,形容词、名词性的排斥否定,动词性的少量有否定形式,大多是为描写生动创造的修辞否定,而非语义否定;判断类标记性高,能被“不”否定。上述倾向的语义基础是,“得”表完结义,凸显结果实现,程度补语表极高程度,典型状态补语描写性强。这导致两类结构明显倾向表现实情态。否定是强非现实情态,作用于强现实情态受限。动结式的现实性是潜势,因而能被否定。现实情态是语法范畴,有主观性,说话人强烈期待或认定为现实的也属此类,都排斥被否定,也都抑制否定极项进入其辖域。In modern Mandarin Chinese,it is hard to differentiate state complements from degree complements since both show a tendency towards positive polarity.Among state complements,the expressive ones(e.g.da de fensui打得粉碎,hit-DE-smashed,"to hit into small pieces")are the most typical and cannot co-occur with negation when containing an adjective or a nominal item.However,expressive state complements may appear in negative form for rhetoric needs when consisting of a verb.The assertive state complements(e.g.da de sui打得碎,hit-DE-cracked,"to hit into pieces"),on the other hand,can be negated by bu(不).All these can be accounted for semantically by the facts that,the complementizer de(得)indicates a resultative meaning,degree complements express a high degree and typical state complements are highy descriptive.Hence,realis complements cannot cooccur with irrealis negation.

关 键 词：状态补语 程度补语 肯定极性 现实情态 主观性 

分 类 号：H146[语言文字—汉语]