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作 者:崔四行[1] Cui Sixing(School of Chinese Language and Literature,Central China Normal University,Wuhan 430079)
出 处:《华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2025年第2期111-120,共10页Journal of Central China Normal University:Humanities and Social Sciences
基 金:国家社会科学基金一般项目“汉语功能词的韵律—语体界面研究”(23BYY046)。
摘 要:从汉语普通话的上声变调,尤其是重叠式上声变调的相关现象入手,可以窥见汉语变调的动因及机制。汉语变调不仅与语音、语法相关,还受到韵律和语体的影响。重叠式上声变调中,口语体和正式体使用不同的变调模式,证明变调有标记语体的作用。AA重叠式高平调发生的机制为:首先是重叠式中的第二个A变成轻声,之后轻声继续儿化的同时完成了声调和语体的转变,即声调由轻声变为高平调,语体也由正式体变为口语体。高平调发生的一个先决条件就是轻声,儿化则进一步导致了语体的转变。以上现象说明汉语变调是韵律和语体共同作用的产物。The third-tone sandhi in Mandarin,particularly in reduplicated structures,provides insight into its motivations and mechanisms.Tone sandhi in Chinese is not only conditioned by phonetics and grammar but also shaped by prosody and register.In reduplicated third-tone sandhi,the colloquial and formal registers adopt different tonal patterns,demonstrating that tone sandhi serves as a register marker.The high-level tone in AA reduplication follows this process:the second A undergoes neutralization first,and become a neutral tone.As the neutral tone undergoes retroflex suffixation,both tonal and register shifts occur—the tone changes from neutral to high-level,and the register shifts from formal to colloquial.The high-level tone requires the presence of a neutral tone,while retroflex suffixation further reinforces the register shift.These phenomena suggest that tone sandhi in Chinese result from the combined influence of prosody and register.
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