上古汉语“者”的所谓自指标记功能再议  

Revisiting the grammatical functions of the so-called "self-reference marker" zhe(者) in ancient Chinese

作　　者：孙洪伟[1] 

机构地区：[1]广州中山大学中文系

出　　处：《中国语文》2015年第2期133-140,192,共8页Studies of the Chinese Language

基　　金：国家社科基金青年项目“上古汉语无标记指称化现象研究”(12CYY041)资助

摘　　要：本文对上古所谓自指标记"者"构成的"者"字结构的句法分布作详尽的描写,并探讨其语法意义及来源,认为这些"者"的语法功能可分三类:语气词,在表判断或解释的句子中充当话题标记,条件小句后和时间名词后的"者"是由此而生的;助词,附着在"数+名"或部分"所"字结构后,表强调或确定指称;在"有+NP+者"格式中是转指标记的扩展用法。This paper describes the syntactic distributions of the so-called 'self-reference marker' zhe(者)in ancient Chinese and explores its grammatical meanings as well as its origin.It argues that the grammatical functions of this zhe can be categorized into three types:(1) topic marker used sentences of judgment or interpretation;(2) particle attached to the 'numeral+noun' construction or suo(所) construction to emphasize or confirm the reference;and(3) extended usage of the transferredreference marker zhe in 'you+NP+zhe'(有+NP+者) construction.

关 键 词：者 转指 自指 上古汉语 

分 类 号：H131[语言文字—汉语]